Fortress unionism by rich yesselson essay

This ration for the Union prisoner was not smaller than that ration of the Confederate soldier.

Fortress unionism by rich yesselson essay

A Call for a Second Operation Dixie There are no fortresses for labor; no metaphorical stone walls that we can shelter ourselves behind to try and ride out the onslaught. The fact of the matter is that without a deliberate, concerted effort to organize in the states of the old Confederacy, there will not be a labor movement worth speaking of within the next ten years, and all the gains for working people that brave men and women fought and bled and died for over the past century will be clawed back by rapacious corporate oligarchs bent on societal domination.

The notion that this is a crisis is massively underselling the problems facing labor, both organized and unorganized, right now.

The passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement through a unified Democratic federal government in was a crisis.

What the union movement faces right now is not a crisis, it is nothing less than a threat to the existence of unions in their present form, and with that comes a threat to the very basic minimums all workers in the United States can rely upon.

As we discussed in our previous piecethere is a cultural void in the South when it comes to labor. There is a long and ignoble tradition in the South of active repression of workers organizing.

Much of this tradition was exercised against the Congress of Industrial Organizations CIO in the largest unionization drive in the South to date: Operation Dixie was conceived because of a problem that may sound familiar to many today: The predominant focus of the campaign was on the burgeoning textile industry in the South, which stretched largely from the Carolinas through Alabama, as well as the wood products industry.

It was a campaign that held much promise, and a victory in Operation Dixie would go a long way towards building a powerful labor movement in every corner of America. However, while there were some successes in organizing tobacco workers and workers in other smaller industries, the effort to unionize the textile and wood products industries were largely dead by the end of Where did Operation Dixie go wrong?

How did it fail? The biggest reason for its failure was the lack of preparation for the power of the business-carceral alliance: This alliance worked in numerous ways; the detaining of organizers, the harassment of pro-union workers, and the refusal to prosecute crimes committed against both groups even murder created an atmosphere of fear that kept many workers from signing up for the union from fear that they would be placed in the crosshairs of this powerful alliance.

The organizing of workers across racial lines also caused problems, with the interracial organizing that was occurring being compared to a Communist takeover of Southern industry. Another obstacle to organizing in the South was the conservative AFL, which used Red-baiting tactics later seen by the likes of U.

The final reason that this did not come to pass is a simple one: There is so much more that can and will be said about Operation Dixie, but that will be at a later date.

Belabored Podcast # Hold the Fort? – Sarah Jaffe

What is needed is nothing less than a bigger, modern-day Operation Dixie. Anything less would make these resolutions paper tigers: In some ways, the plan we propose is even more ambitious than the original Operation Dixie: The AFL-CIO should, over a six month ramp-up period, hire one thousand organizers, half drawn from existing rank-and-file activists, half drawn from young activists who support the kind of worker self-determination that the AFL-CIO ultimately stands for.

This massive hiring would exhaust the supply of organizers with union experience looking for work. Other organizers, such as those with experience doing field work for Democratic political campaigns or those who have worked for public interest research groups PIRGswould be a good place to staff up once all experienced union organizers were brought on board.

However, all people hired for this project who have not either been a rank-and-file activist or on staff as an organizer for a union would have to go through a training run by the Organizing Institute to guarantee a minimum of capability.

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Experienced organizers already working for AFL-CIO affiliates or with extensive experience in the movement would be shifted over or hired on to this project to provide day-to-day supervision of this cadre of activists, with regular local oversight of this project performed by the Central Labor Council CLC of the area it is operating in.

The reason for the CLC performing oversight is twofold: Once the first contract is negotiated by this local, it would choose an international to affiliate with, preferably with an international that has experience in the industry they are working in.

The South would be divided up into seven regions and would have seven regional offices from which this project would be directed for the duration, with other offices opened as organizing campaigns dictate.

The headquarters for this effort would be in Atlanta, GA, and that office would oversee the operation across Georgia. The importance of developing relationships with community groups is difficult to overstate. As such, this project would work to cultivate relationships with faith leaders, local environmental organizations, and other progressive political organizations in the South to address the needs of workers outside of the workplace and in their homes and neighborhoods.

This is a monumental undertaking, and it will mean other worthy efforts will go under-resourced while this project is operating, but there is no other way forward. With a Democratic President, a Democratic House, and a Democratic Senate, we could not get the Employee Free Choice Act through at the federal level, and anti-union policies continue to advance through state legislatures.

Unless we rebuild our power in a big way, there is no way forward for any of the significant improvements to public policy that the labor movement would like to see. Everything from an increase in the minimum wage to labor law reform will rot in committee while things get worse for working people in this country.

We make this proposal knowing full well the kind of resources it will take to carry this monumental effort forward. However, the time for quarter-assing things has long since passed and the hour is late for labor.Alexander the great was one of the intelligent, tough and determined leaders in the world history.

The Biography Of Alexander The Great History Essay. Print Reference this. Disclaimer: Instead of chasing Darius, Alexander explored Babylonia, which was the region that Darius had abandoned. The land had rich farmlands, palaces and. But they also require the political support of state or local governments.

In that sense, they conform to what former organizer Rich Yeselson terms a strategy of “fortress unionism”—of continuing to keep unions strong in those locales where they already have some support, in the bluest cities and states.

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They then penetrated the fortress-like heavy-water plant to blow up its.

Fortress unionism by rich yesselson essay
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